The migratory flows are approached in the present work from a functional approach of the expectations of students around the possibility of migrating to enter a labor market, but studies have focused their interest on networks that are built more than on expectations towards those management systems. The objective of this paper was to establish the reliability and validity of an instrument in order to observe its structure in a sample of students of a public university, considering their participation in social service and professional practices. We found three factors related to the norms, values ​​and perceptions around migration that explained 54% of the variance, although the methodological design limits the results to the research scenario, suggests the non-rejection of the relative null hypothesis to the theoretical differences of the relationships between the variables with respect to a structural model.

Because migration is a phenomenon that involves three spaces; Centrality, trans-periphery and periphery as socioeconomic, socio-political and psychosocial determinants.  In this sense, theories and concepts are reviewed in order to be able to specify in a model the relations between the migratory identity and indicators such as; Depression, aggression, insult, injustice, anxiety, danger, despair, panic, revenge and discrimination. Finally, it is noted that the importance of this exercise is to consider at least four logics; Adaptation, assimilation, contingency and identity for the analysis of news and prediction of scenarios of conflicts between rulers and governed (Ajzen, 2011).

The perception of citizen insecurity is the result of the establishment of an agenda in which migration, crime and violence are central issues disseminated by the media and measured by political initiatives in order to be legislated in public policies. Once the perception of insecurity is formed, citizens form a public opinion about government action on migration, although the media associate insecurity with migration and hold the authorities responsible, its purposes are rather to build a Socio-political identity (Albarracin & Wyer, 2011).

In this way, migratory flows, socio-political identity and the establishment of agenda are disseminated by the media from four logics; Adaptation, assimilation, selection and identity. The logic of adaptation holds that the economic situation of the sending countries, in comparison to the employment opportunities of the recipient countries, encourages the departure of migrants, but warns that the intermediate countries retain or filter migration to the receiving country. In this sense, migrants who have suffered various obstacles until their arrival in the host country have developed skills that allowed them to survive the risks and threats and now these same skills will allow them to enter the labor market (Cervino, 2013).

In contrast, the logic of assimilation suggests that migrants more than adapt to culture, adjust their needs to local opportunities and resources, because if migrants are farmers, then their chances of getting jobs in cities are reduced to services. Thus, assimilation is a process whereby migrants form work networks that allow them to obtain more than one job, but also facilitates them to obtain other jobs in the face of the threat of deportation that cannot be an extended time in the same job (Chihu, 2011).

Although adaptation and assimilation explain the labor insertion of low-level migrants, the selection logic assumes that in the case of highly educated migrants, job opportunities are the result of migratory business development policies. The selection of migrants anticipates the emergence of entrepreneurship networks in the face of economic, political or social crises (Fenoll, 2011).

On the other hand, the logic of identity recovers the approaches of adaptation, assimilation and selection to explain the interrelation between workers and entrepreneurs in order to be able to establish the local development scenarios and the effect of business development policies. From the perspective of identity, the entrepreneurs are relatives of migrant workers who financed the professional training of future entrepreneurs (Left, 2012).

The purpose of this paper is to specify the relationships between indicators of migrant identity in order to guide the study of this phenomenon in the conjuncture of the loss of state rectorship in the area of ​​public security. This exercise will open the discussion about the effect of the media on migrant identity and the establishment of insecurity as a central issue in the agenda of workers and entrepreneurs (Mao, Richter, Burns & Chaw, 2012).

The Center-Periphery Theory assumes that financial flows influence migration flows in the same way that remittances precede job opportunities, but the data seem to indicate that there are migratory flows that follow rather a central-trans-perphferical logic in those who are unemployed move to agricultural areas and commercial cities (García, 2008).

However, environmental and social risks such as; Environmental catastrophes resulting from excessive carbon emissions and drug trafficking, rather than unemployment or lack of job opportunities, appear to have an impact on the movement of migrants from Cuba, Jamaica, Haiti, the Dominican Republic, Colombia and Mexico in relation to prosperity Economic situation of the United States, although such an influx diminishes in periods of economic crisis or warlike conflicts (Gu & Goldfarb, 2010).

If only the migratory flows are observed, it is possible to infer that in the case of Mexico the migration of migrants to the United States has its causes in unemployment due to lack of opportunities, droughts and floods, as well as insecurity related to drug trafficking, but this logic Of labor adaptation of the migrant to the local market does not explain the migration of Central American talent to the universities and companies of the United States as the logic of selection proposes (Humanes & Moreno, 2012).

However, the logic of adaptation seems to show that insecurity is the main cause of the spread of Colombians to Mexico and the United States, although in the case of Ecuador, Peru, Brazil or Chile, the emergence of their economies rather explains the acculturation that it means working in the United States (Rodriguez, 2010). Only in the cases of Venezuela and Colombia the logic of assimilation warns that social conflicts seem to show the migratory flows of these countries circumscribed to the boom periods in the United States (Sanchez, 2012b).

Although the logics of adaptation, assimilation and selection have described migratory flows in terms of a financial center such as the United States, the logic of identity would not only explain these relationships, but would also anticipate a scenario of conflict between the periphery and The centrality due to its passage through the trans-periphery. In other words, Mexico is a transitional space for the United States that poses risks for migrants, but Mexico would prove to be a human rights violation area systematically reported by the press in order to attribute responsibilities to local authorities as federal. That is, identity would explain the discrimination of Central Americans, since the print media do not lose detail on this, but these same outrages and outrages are executed to the detriment of indigenous communities and the press does not systematize these facts. This implies that there is a connection between international opinion and the spread of violence towards migrants in Mexico (Summer, 2011).

In summary, the logics of adaptation, assimilation and selection form a logic of identity from which it is possible to go deeper into the explanation in order to be able to establish future scenarios of the relationship between the financial center and the migrant periphery. In this way, the theory of the Center-Trans-Periphery highlights the emergence of a socio-political identity in which the citizens are indignant defenseless before the loss of the rectory of the State and the cases of corruption that are attributed to it for its collusion with the delinquency (Sanchez, 2012a).

Because the Center-Trans-Periphery Theory would explain and anticipate international migration, the Sociopolitical Theory of Migration recovers these three fundamental axes; Center, trans and periphery in order to conceptualize them in the four logics; Adaptation, assimilation, selection and identity in order to anticipate the establishment of four respective agendas (Von Krogh, 2012).

Despite the fact that the media are of national circulation, they have correspondents and information networks with other means, the diffusion of the migratory identity is rather product of its relation with the State and the citizenship (Market and Nava, 2013). This is so because it is the media who build the migratory phenomenon to influence foreign policy through public opinion.

If the Center-Trans-Periphery Theory emphasizes the importance of identity, the Sociopolitical Theory of Migration argues that this identity is not only a product of the relationship between migrants from the periphery and authorities of trans-periphery or centrality, but Which is part of the influence of the media in these actors (Campillo, 2012).

Thus, the logics of assimilation, adaptation, selection or identity are part of a process of agenda setting that consists of the dissemination of problems attributable to corruption, neglect or opacity of the State in collusion with crime.

In summary, the Sociopolitical Theory of Migration explains the migratory flows from the relationship between society and the State in which the rulers use as a persuasive or dissuasive instrument to the media with the purpose of adjusting their public policies through the Public opinion, but unlike the theory of the Center-Trans-Periphery in which economic flows impact on migration, the socio-political approach argues that the media construct public security or, if appropriate, perceptions of insecurity that encourage The migratory flows, however the sociopolitical conception does not explain the process by which the issues disseminated by the media are disseminated and converted into citizen opinion (Wasike, 2013).

The Theory of Agenda Establishment complements the assumptions of the Center-Trans-Periphery Theory and the Sociopolitical Theory of Migration, although it distances itself from both at the moment of postulating that the issues disseminated by the media are those that influence migratory flows and socio-political identity (Orozco and Franco, 2012).

If migratory flows are the result of economic flows, then the establishment of the themes inherent to this phenomenon is the result of the dissemination of information that produces opinions, attitudes and stereotypes from which the socioeconomic relations between the center and the Periphery (Rodríguez, 2010).

Regarding socio-political identity, if this is a product of perceptions of insecurity derived from the spurious rectory of the State, then the issues related to this phenomenon to be established by the media explain the attributions of responsibility to the State for unemployment, underemployment and labor migration (Sánchez, 2012a).

It is clear that public insecurity and migration processes are central to the national and international agenda of both economically developed and emerging countries (García, 2006). In the case of Mexico, in relation to Central America and mainly to the United States of America, the insecurity refers to violence towards Central American and Mexican migrants in their transit to the United States. Such violence has had wide coverage in international rather than national print media.

As it is a central issue in the economic, political and social agenda, migratory insecurity should be a relevant issue in pre-electoral and electoral campaigns, particularly in the case of the Presidency of the Republic, which also renews The Congress of the Union (500 federal deputies and 128 senators). It is strikingly striking that in the specific case of Mexico, migratory insecurity was a central issue before the pre-campaigns. The events related to the kidnappings and murders of the Central American migrants, by drug trafficking groups, included in the public agenda the migratory insecurity. That is, the media reported, practically on a daily basis, the various acts of violence and insecurity towards a considerable number of migrants (mainly Central Americans). However, and this is more than evident, once the political pre-campaigns have begun, the proselytizing speeches have not included the critical issues of Central American migration to the US, on its route through Mexico.

If pre-election campaigns focus on other issues that are foreign to migratory insecurity, if press coverage stifles news about the risks of moving to the United States from Mexico, framing its news on pre-candidate statements, its proselytizing teams including, of course, political parties; Then it would be before the establishment of a proselytizing agenda, in which the media cover by biasing their contents to manipulate their audiences by reducing the importance of migratory insecurity.

Of course, the postulates of the Theory of Establishment of Agenda can explain the process of building the media agenda, public and especially the policy around insecurity, violence, homicides and impunity, currently living in Mexico (García, 2011). The Theory of Agenda Establishment (TEA), assures that the mass media spread themes of violence based on their particular interests and not on the tendency of cases of crimes of common or federal jurisdiction. This prevalence has an effect on the perceived insecurity of the audiences, and in the case of print media, the effect is the discourse related to violence and particularly to the intentional homicides that the readers are formed of these phenomena.

The Theory of Agenda Establishment would be closer to the analysis of international news, which public opinion cannot know directly, and is therefore highly influenced by the media, since other sources of information, including the Internet, do not Offer content close to the understanding of ordinary people, who achieve learning based on images rather than with structured discourses or logical reasoning of a scientific nature. In building a media agenda, the media also construct an essential public and political agenda for the state. The media use frames of reference on which public opinion is based to build its public discussion agenda. These are attributes around a theme that guide the perception, selection and reception of information by audiences (Groshek, 2011). The establishment of the agenda is an effect of informational resonance in which the media issues, which will later amplify or diminish their relevance, but will definitely include in their agenda of discussion, once the media have been responsible for disseminating the news.

In this sense, the agenda is a collection of themes shared by communicators, politicians and audiences. The studies on agenda setting focus on the process through which the media selects the topics that audiences will receive as of utmost importance and will subsequently discuss based on the concepts disseminated by the media (Wasike, 2013).

The media, in turn, fill various issues with the issues they handle, with the purpose of facilitating their inclusion in the public agenda. Through the headlines and headlines, the mass media spread expectations in their audiences. This corroborates the hypothesis around which the media influences society by producing themes and placing them on the public discussion agenda. The mass media determine and dictate the topics that people will comment on. Public opinion will construct perceptions about the importance of the topics exposed in the media. Subsequently, people will comment on the topics even with the words used by communication professionals on television, radio, the press and the internet (Sánchez, 2012b).

The establishment of the agenda and the formation of attitudes, around the topics selected by the media and accepted by public opinion, are matters of public character of the greatest interest and importance. It is a mediatic effect that builds public opinion through its expectations and intentions to conduct a public discussion within the group of reference or membership. In sum, the establishment of the public agenda is built with contextual strategies such as: expectation, coverage, time and space; All linked to different types of news. In conclusion, this would be the media power, since the media can emphasize a certain subject without practically having to assume any type of risks.

The Theory of Agenda Establishment explains representational and emotional processes. Both symbols and images are, according to theory, the result of an improvised and heuristic process in which perceptions, beliefs, attitudes, decisions and behaviors are determined by the mediation of a fact. The theory suggests that mass media or as also called them the mass media, are governed by market logic and from minimizing costs to logically maximize profits; Bias the information and turn it into news. Reduce to simple facts reportage, spots, interviews, columns, opinions or even what is known as e slogan.

The impact of the contextualization, framing and intensification of the news on the public opinion, is propitiated by the informative bias of the mass media. Insofar as news is selected, the representation and processing of information tends to be objectified in emotions. Once a story is contextualized and framed, a process of persuasion begins, marked by the need to listen to the details of the news; the electorate has objectified and naturalized the content of these messages to safeguard its meaning in a representational anchorage. Objectification refers to the translation into images of the news and naturalization alludes to its acceptance and adoption as a reality external to individual control (García, 2011).

The media are represented as guides of values, speeches, decisions and behaviors by the citizens. Yesterday biased messages defined the meaning of a political representation; today, mediated symbols are affections or emotions and, as such, introduce expectations of information processing. Precisely, this is the basis of mediatization, as persuasive symbols, biased messages determine their reception. The framing of a fact in a news item affects the affective representation of images. It is an objectification and naturalization of symbols known by public opinion thanks to intensive diffusion. Since the symbols are immeasurable, the responses are also unpredictable (Chihú, 2011).

Although the theory does not propose a cycle of mediatization in which it is explained how the media increases or decreases its informative bias, it is possible to construct it for the case of the migratory insecurity, if it is considered that the theory explains the naturalization of Images in the coverage of the facts. The cycle would include ten different phases that are presented before the phenomenon of migratory insecurity, in which it is possible to locate the informative bias of the mass media (Izquierdo, 2012).

In sum, there are at least three dimensions in which the binomial insecurity and migration can be explained:

The studies related to the establishment of the agenda attribute to the loss of state rectorship the deterioration of social welfare. The establishment of agenda, associated to migratory flows and socio-political identity, include such topics as; (Carlin et al., 2013), adaptation (Cristini et al., 2013), assimilation (Flores et al., 2010), insecurity (Bizer et al. Et al., 2013), selectivity (Groshek, 2011) and identity (Guardiola et al., 2010).

Media studies have demonstrated the selection, fragmentation and bias of journalistic practice with simultaneous survey studies, in which respondents' perceptions are an extension of the media agenda (Izquierdo, 2012).

The experiments of reception and perception corroborate not only the information bias, but also its power to influence public opinion. However, the theory refers only to information bias without specifying in a certain time and space defined for its empirical verification. In effect, the tendency has been to simultaneously measure, during a given period, the media bias and the influence on the perception of the people (Latorre, 2011).

However, it is not possible to make two simultaneous diagnoses of the facts and to conclude that there is a direct and significant correlation between them. If one starts from the premise about which a fact is observable simultaneously more than once, then one would have to think that perception if, and only if, is influenced by means, forgetting that it may be influenced by the fact in Yes, other related events, direct, indirect experiences and even other informative notes (Flores and Mendieta 2012).

The political emphasis on the themes that allowed to corroborate the hypothesis of the establishment of the agenda. They reduce audiences to mere spectators who are unable to select information and build their agenda for discussion. Paradoxically, research into the psychological effects of the mass media in public opinion is outlined. Finally, the agenda is a social problem, often conflictive, that has received media coverage by biasing the attention of the public to certain objects or issues of the political and social scene, in which the public trusts and assigns importance according to the degree of relevance Mediation (Chihú, 2011).

As a review, the state of knowledge has studied eight binding factors with the establishment of migration agenda in the context of risk that a state gendarme incapable of protecting citizens. In this context, the media disseminated information attributing to the State responsibility for unemployment, migration and violence, but its objective was limited to determining public policies through persuasion or dissuasion of dissent or citizen adherence to the regime according to the interests of the media (Guardiola, Espinar and Hernández, 2010).

However, the state of knowledge does not explain the process by which the national or foreign media disregard their competence to attract audiences to focus their batteries towards building an opinion favorable to their interests and the consequent legislation of the initiatives that favor them. Even between the notion of establishment of agenda and socio-political identity, migratory flows seem to be the product of a state exhibition in the mass media without considering citizen participation regarding the rights of migrants and residents, their forms of coexistence and agreements and Consensus.

The ten phases that constitute the Index of Mediation of Migratory Insecurity, are related below: depression, aggression, insult, injustice, anxiety, danger, despair, panic, revenge and discrimination.

Each of them refers to a spiral of violence in which the media support their headlines and information content. In the case of the press, the mediation cycle would be a set of criteria in which each information note can be weighted and interpreted. As the spiral of violence continues, the allocation of its value also increases. The audiences, in the case of the press, the readers, naturalize the informative biases from the photographs that illustrate the informative note. Such naturalization would be identified as a "spiral of violence". That is, the surrounding information crosses the perceptions of the audience and is represented in categorizations. In this sense, the ten dimensions of the spiral are described below, by a certain level of detail:

Aggression is defined as a deliberate, premeditated and also advantageous act of a person or group exposed in the press as a criminal, to a person or group considered migrant victim.

Injury, meanwhile, is a crime fueled by one of the parties in conflict of interest and exposed by the press as direct and indirect accusations of a person or group to another individual or group.

Injustice refers to skewed perceptions of prosecution and conviction of the injured migrants in reference to those who offend and whose results do not favor them, in the opinion of the journalists themselves.

Anxiety refers to an emotional state of low self - control, around which journalists and reporters attribute as psychological cause of the commission of a crime and as a psychological consequence of migrants victims of crime.

The danger includes perceptions and feelings of helplessness of migrants to criminal acts, around which the press label space, process, person or group.

Desperation is mediated as a mood in which migrant victims declared to the press his emotions, relating to find a kidnapped loved one, to recover the assets that have stolen it or revive the murdered person.

Panic refers to an emotion that the press describes as extreme to describe the survival of potential migrant’s victims of crime.

Depression denotes an emotional state in which migrant victims or potential victims, come to shelter to face the crimes they have suffered and those who believe suffer in the future, according to press reports themselves.

Revenge is an emotion that the press identifies as an incentive for the commission of a crime by the migrant to abductors, murderers, thieves, swindlers, scammers or extortionists.

Discrimination refers to speeches and actions that the press encoded as causes and effects of insecurity, in a limited space and time at the end of which the rotating expect a spiral of violence.

In sum, the dimensions specified describe the contents of the press on immigration insecurity, but they explain the socio-political identity of migratory flows that emerges from the relationship between governors and governed under the rule of the centrality with respect to the periphery. In addition, the model would anticipate the emergence of ten factors regarding the establishment of an agenda capable of influencing public opinion.

The research was carried out in a locality of central Mexico with low level of human development, considerable birth rate, low level of per capita income and professional instruction, as well as high citizen participation in municipal issues of fundraising, social entrepreneurship and innovation in the commercialization of products and services.

A non-experimental, cross-sectional, exploratory and correlational study was carried out with a non-probabilistic selection of 400 students from a public university, considering the system of professional practices and social service, as well as the framework of strategic alliances between the institution and dedicated organizations to the creation of knowledge (see Table 1).

Table 1. Descriptive sample 

Source: Elaborated with data study

The Migration Expectancy Scale of the Garcia (2018) was used, which measures eight dimensions relative to; 1) values, 2) norms and 3) perceptions related to the optimization of resources and process innovation. All reagents are answered with any of the options ranging from 0 "not likely" to 5 = "quite likely".

The Delphi technique was used to select, compare and integrate the allusive reagents to each of the seven dimensions, following the evaluations and recommendations of expert judges in the field.

The students were surveyed in the facilities of their university, provided written guarantee of anonymity and confidentiality of their responses to the possible effects of the results of the investigation.

The information was processed in the statistical analysis package for social sciences (SPSS version 20.0). The parameters of normality, reliability, adequacy, sphericity, validity, fit and residual were estimated in order to contrast the null hypothesis regarding the significant differences between the theoretical relationships of the variables with respect to the empirical relationships to be observed.

The authors will declare that the document is free from conflict of interest, provided that in a framework of free access to information the dignity and integrity of the parties involved are guaranteed.

Table 2 shows the values of normality, adequacy, sphericity, reliability and validity that demonstrate the consistency of the instrument in other contexts and samples since the subscales of norms, values and perceptions (alphas of, 780; 760; and, 758 respectively) exceeded the minimum values required (alpha of, 700).

Table 2. Descriptive instrument

Source: Elaborated with data study. R = Reactive, M = Median, S = Standard Deviation, K = Kurtosis, A = Alpha removed value item. ⌠ᵪ2 = 345,4 (24gl) p < ,01; KMO = ,780⌡Method: Principals; Rotation: Promax. F1 = Values (21% total explained variance), F2 = Norms (18% total explained variance), F3 = Perceptions (15% total explained variance).

Once the three first order factors that explained 54% of the total variance explained were established, we proceeded to estimate their linear relationships between the factors in order to observe their structure (see Table 3).

Table 3. Correlations and covariations 

Source: Elaborated with data study. F1 = Values, F2 = Norms, F3 = Perceptions: * p < ,01; ** p < ,001; *** p < ,0001

The model of structural equations was estimated in order to observe the trajectories of determining relationships between the factors and indicators as a function of the relationships between the factors (see Figure 1).

Source: Elaborated with data study. F1 = Values, F2 = Norms, F3 = Perceptions: ç relations between disturbance and factor; è relations between factors and indicators or factor and factors The adjustment and residual parameters ⌠ᵪ2 = 345,3 (35gl) p < ,01; GFI = ,990; CFI = ,997; RMSEA = ,006⌡suggest the non-rejection of the null hypothesis relative to the significant differences between the theoretical relationships of the variables and the structural model. 

Referring to the study of Carreon (2014) in which the agenda setting on a university campus was conducted advantage of the situation of structural reforms in Mexico following a logic of verisimilitude, this paper has proposed a model for the study ten dimensions relating to immigration identity established by the local press in the elections of 2012.

However, the study by Garcia (2013) found issues relating to violence and crime in the frames of the print media during the federal elections of 2012. Under that migration is a central issue on the agenda, this letter raises socio-political identity as a determinant of perceptions of insecurity. In this regard, Garcia (2011) argues that there is a significant link between perceptions of insecurity and socio-political propaganda, because the media are an instrument of power of democratic political class that governs inhibiting co-opting dissent and supporters. In this sense, Carreon (2013) warns that the manifestation of this political influence on the life styles of citizens is observed in the emotions of distrust to the authorities.

However, Garcia (2009) notes that the study of the perception of insecurity reveals not only the socio-political identity, but the dissemination of stereotypes to influence opinion citizens, or the formation of attitudes towards the rulers and predecessors' preferences election, although Garcia (2007) argues that these perceptions of insecurity emanating from citizens' similarities rather than differences government. It is recommended to carry out studies on the impact of the perception of insecurity on the formation of unfavorable attitudes to government action and electoral preferences for immigration policies. The contribution of this work to the state of knowledge lies in the proposed model, although it can be developed from the contribution of the studies discussed in the state of knowledge, identity immigration seems to be due to socioeconomic and sociopolitical rather than psychosocial factors. In this sense, this paper has crumbled three dimensions; migration, social and political identity and agenda setting to develop research to anticipate scenarios of conflict among stakeholders.

The objective of this paper was to explore the structure of employment expectations in the context of the pandemic. A structure of three predominant factors that explain the phenomenon was found. In relation to the theoretical and empirical frameworks in which contingent relationships are specified between the expectations of employment policies, investment and opportunities, this study has corroborated the preponderant factorial structure. Regarding the implications of the findings for public risk communication policies, this study has demonstrated the propensity for risks where three axes of perception of employment opportunities are structured.