T.Y. Krasovitskaya*,
Introduction
The article highlights the resources of the ethno-cultural discourse of memory: languages and their carriers as mechanisms of socialization and acculturation of the worldview, its frames, actors, resentment, traumas, frontiers. This important cognitive category exists in a person's memory, reflects his interaction with the world filled with different circumstances. The language sphere was the most active, and political practices were in dire need of using its resources. The early Soviet experience of their application is considered. The authorities, ordering ethno-cultural discourse in the political space, believed that it was necessary to have an adequate language for the formation of a real picture. The solution was seen in mastering the native language as a resource for materializing avant-garde ideas.
The party leaders sought to influence public consciousness by realizing their goals through the vocabulary of the language. The linguistic problem of nomination (that is, naming) acquired special
ideological value. With the change of names, the illusion of qualitative changes arose. The pragmatic side of things was determined by the teaching and messianic attitude.
In 1925, a special commission in Dagestan compiled in local and Russian languages a questionnaire for collecting folk legends, songs, handwritten texts about the life of the mountaineers. Many Dagestanis sent such texts. At the same time, J. S. Korkmasovand A L. Tahoe-Godi wrote to the famous religious figure Ali Kayaev: "The Dagestan government decided to create a book on the history of Dagestan, ... to glorify the heroism of the Dagestani peoples, to illuminate their progress before the whole world, to immortalize the name of Dagestan and its heroes who fought for freedom... You should write a history of what you saw, did."
B.B. Karataev (All-Russian Central Executive Committee) stressed: the problem "has not lost its acuteness at all." Representatives from the field came out with warm support: "We consider it our moral duty to stand up and shout ... for those who think socialistally, Marxists", the goal is "undoubtedly ... should be 1) assimilation of nationalities ideally... Then... one single universal proletarian culture." But "we must also reflect" on the fact that "socialist social life is conceivable only when it takes an energetic, active part in this construction ... 99.9% chuvash, mordvins, votyaks, cheremis, etc." Deputy People's Commissar of Education of the RSFSR M. Pokrovsky summarized: "the general thesis is such that every nationality has the right to learn ... in my native language, I apologize for the vulgar expression, how much will fit. Of course, we will not add or create a new, because we are communists, because we are internationalists, because we do not attach much importance to national culture." But "to interfere with independent development ... we shouldn't."[1]
Power structures were used as mechanisms for the introduction of "modern" European and Russian resources, technologies and practices. Their task is to strengthen the understanding of the political landscape, to absorb political and social terms at an accelerated pace. New modern institutions were filled with scientific teams, collectives undertook to develop new,
often talented, technologies, by "assaulting" the inner world: "a new, so to speak, socialist man in the mountain regions can be forged and brought up," Islam Karachayli assured.[1]
The traditions of studying Caucasian linguistics at the faculties of oriental languages were combined with the research practices of the faculties of history, philology and law in the faculties of social sciences. By the end of 1919, six departments were allocated in the structure of the FON: political-legal, socio-economic, philosophical, historical, philological, ethnolinguistic.
In October 1920, the Narkompros began to revise the curricula of the FON departments. They were aimed at sociological courses, in them on the problems of class struggle, training specialists for the state apparatus. The strengthening of sociological imperatives was reflected in the Committee for the Study of Languages and Ethnic Cultures of the Peoples of the East created in Moscow at the Moscow section of the RAIMK (it was often called the North Caucasian because of its attention to the region). It was also charged with studying the political "applicability of Latin, Russian and Arabic scripts to the North Caucasian languages." well-known specialists in the North Caucasian and Turkic group of languages worked: N.F. Yakovlev, L.I. Zharkov, N.B. Baklanov, A.S. Bashkirov, E.M. Schilling. The main task of the Committee is to create alphabets for the previously unwritten peoples of the North Caucasus and Dagestan. The compilation of grammars of the North Caucasian languages began. In 1922, N.F. Yakovlev developed kabardian grammar, he was assisted by Kabardian B.A. Chemazokov. Yakovlev took part in the compilation of grammars to the smallest languages of the peoples of the Caucasus - Khinalug, Kryz, Budugs, Jacks, who spoke the dialects of Kyurin, i.e., Lezgin language. The writing system for the Kryz, which merged into the Lezgin groups of the Nakh-Dagestani language family, had its own development. A.N. Genko and V.I. Abaev were engaged in compiling an Ossetian-Circassian dictionary, the work, apparently, remained unfinished. In 1926, the Committee received a new status. and became known as the Research Institute of Ethnic and National Cultures of the Peoples of the East of the USSR. There were five sections in the structure of the Institute: among them Caucasian, Turkic-Tatar, Iranian.[2]
The attention of researchers multiplied the "Babylonian pandemonium" (according to Russian linguists), the "parcellation of languages" (according to the assessment of North Caucasian émigré analysts), deepening in memory the ressentiment, traumas, frontiers in the relationship between the apparatuses of power in the autonomies of differentranks, taking into account the comparison of the historical boundaries of the settlement of peoples with the borders newly created autonomies. One of the bright prominences flared up among the Adyghe ethnic groups. Full-fledged work on their language started at the beginning of the XX century, when several versions of the Circassian alphabet based on Arabic appeared at once. But the influence of the administrative factor began. A month after the meeting in Rostov-on-Don, July 20–24. In Kislovodsk, the Adyghe-Kabardian commission met on the adoption of a single alphabet 1925 гfor all Circassians on a Latin basis. The commission, having heard S. Siyukhov's report on a single alphabet for the Circassians, recognized that it "is the result of the collective work of the Adyghe-Kabardian commission, which is why it should be called the "Adyghe-Kabardian alphabet, compiled by the Adyghe-Kabardian commission." But representatives of the Kabardian Autonomous Okrug stated: "they have the instruction not to deviate from the existing alphabet in Kabarda, not to allow changes in it, and in view of the fact that the meeting did not agree with this instruction, they remain at the meeting with an advisory vote." The Commission demanded that the Kabarda CEC "provide its representatives with the authority to resolve the issue of the pan-Adyghe alphabet in essence and in its entirety." KBAO. Back in June. the conference in Pyatigorsk approved the Kabardian alphabet in the Latin alphabet of the head of the oblono of the KBAO B.L. Khuranov. By chance, in Latin script, the local printing house collected a single leaflet. Propagandists considered this publication sufficient that in their view opponents "began to pass, considering themselves powerless to fight against a healthy current for Latinization." In 1924, N.F. Yakovlev together with D.A. Ashkhamaf developed a project of a Latinized alphabet of the Adyghe language. By 1926, the project appeared. For another year, it was simplified and taken as a basis in the Adyghe region.1923 г
The result of Khuranov's work was the publication in 1924 of a textbook of the Kabardian language with illustrations. He wrote: "By my modest work, I managed for the first time to practically implement the slogan of our leader Comrade Lenin about the need to switch to a single graphic on a Latin basis, as a unifying principle of all nationalities." There were confessions: children learn to read faster, but adults "began to treat the study of the Kabardian language with some carelessness." In 1925-26, "Balkars, Chechens, Karachays, Adyghe people, who still doubted the possibility of implementing the Latin script, switched" to it.
The authorities studied the situation understanding, the institutions of culture and education, taking into account the weakness and insufficiency of their means, which they had at their disposal (undergoing a tough reform), the necessary picture of the world in the human mind could not be quickly created.
The practices of the early Soviet regime testified: the Soviet model of the 1920s and even the 1930s broadcast with significant ideological notes samples of approaches to scientific practices of the late imperial period, but relying on the emerging new social imagination.
But the linguistic complexity of the region remained an acute problem of the ethno-cultural discourse of the new government. A significant part of the speakers of the languages retained their picture of the world within the borders of the North Caucasus: their ethnic homeland, institutions and cultural resources. They claimed varying degrees of political and legal self-activity. It was necessary to correlate and, if possible, combine the requirements of ethnic societies to organize their lives in the new conditions. Early Stalinist politics remained a field of competition and struggle, not hesitating to appeal to ethnic memory, fueling in it a complex of unrealized hopes.
The spirit of rivalry dominated, which the Bolsheviks could not help but use. Demarcation among ethnic elites was a matter of time. On December 6, 1924, the bureau of the regional committee adopted a resolution "On the relations of the peoples of neighboring autonomous regions and neighboring districts". In order to "strengthen national peace between the nationalities of neighboring autonomous regions and neighboring districts," it recognized the desirability of mutual participation of representatives of neighboring autonomies and districts in the work of congresses and extended meetings of plenums of executive committees for business discussion of topical issues.[1]
There was a struggle of elite groups to obtain a high status of their language. Status opened up opportunities to obtain more resources and means to influence the consciousness of the highlander. In the Dagestan ASSR (more than 30 peoples from the Caucasian, Turkic and Indo-European language families lived), there were sharp discussions in the leadership about the rights of "their" language to dominate the republic. The plenum of the Dagestan Regional Committee of the RCP in early 1922 appointed "the main written languages are Turkic (Azerbaijani), Avar, Dargin and Lak languages." The regional committee appointed Russian, Turkic and Avar languages as the official languages for "congresses, conferences and other official meetings". The oral languages of interethnic communication are the Avar language for the regions of mountainous Dagestan, Turkic for southern Dagestan, and Kumyk for northern Dagestan. But on June 29, Dagobkom, "remembering" the imperial practice, declared the "Turkic-Kumyk language" the state language of the DASSR: "The experience done in teaching the Turkic language in the schools of Nagorno-Dagestan gave brilliant results", "the Turkic-Kumyk language is the only language of communication of citizens of indigenous Dagestan". 1923 г The inability to form a new socio-cultural atmosphere was perceived as a political failure.
On November 6, 1931, the collegium of the Narkompros of the RSFSR stated: in the KBAO "a national writing system has been created on the basis of a unified Latin alphabet, in which national textbooks and manuals are published." However, a year later, the grammar of T.M. Borukaev was subjected to devastating criticism: using it it is difficult to adjust the spelling in the Latin alphabet even the words: Moscow, Leningrad and Kharkov.[1]
The explanations in the terminological dictionaries of such important concepts for the emerging picture of the world as the revolution, the bourgeoisie, the proletariat, the communist, the collective farmer, the activist, etc. were especially annoying. For example, in Kabardian orthography, the words "bourgeoisie" - "biziaz", in the Adyghe orthography "revolution" - "rivoluc", "proletariat" - "prelitar", etc. seemed consonant, but incomprehensible. The need to work at the pace dictated by the party bodies led to the fact that even the words available in the native language began to be replaced by Russian, but written in Latin. Words "simple and easily replaceable" were directly borrowed from the Russian language, entered into the dictionary "mechanically-arbitrarily", written in the Latin alphabet even without changing the grammatical endings. This impoverished the native language, made it difficult to understand the meaning.[2]
By and large, the mountaineers did not care about the semantic accuracy of the translation of socio-political terms: they turned out to be not only inaccurate, but also ambiguous. The population could not but worry about the inaccuracy in the translations of specific decisions and resolutions of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) and the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR and the RSFSR, local resolutions and instructions on, for example, how factory stores should buy fence books and supply workers. Such inaccuracies created much more significant problems. The daily rules of life interested people much more than when the translator could not cope with the accuracy of the transfer of the term "financial capital". The daily communication of the population with the authorities was difficult. The authorities noted inconsistencies: telegraph messages (they abounded in the connection of the center with places) cannot be accurately transmitted and read because of the constant experiments on the unification of letters, their abbreviation, the constant change in the design of letters. The result was "a distortion of the political meaning ... and a lot of confusion."
On May 15, 1936, the head of the Science Department of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks), K. Bauman, signaled to the members of the Politburo of the Central Committee A. Andreev and N. Yezhov: "The new alphabets are only called Latinized ... In fact, it is a hodgepodge of Latin, Russian and newly created graphic signs, reminiscent in its complexity and intricacy of the former Arabic script... The Latin alphabet has only 24 characters, while the Kabardian language has 65; and in Abaza , 68 phonemes (sounds) ... Long-term experience has shown that Kabardian and Abaza children hardly master their alphabets only in the fifth year of study, and no one has yet learned to read this "Latinized" writing fluently. " K. Bauman accused D. Korkmasov and S. Dimanstein of "gross perversions of the national policy of the CPSU (b) and blunting political vigilance." "The presence of gravity in language construction" led to the fact that "individual national republics and regions at their own discretion adopted, abolished and changed alphabets, spelling and terminology."[1]
Sources and references
AP RF. F. 3. Op. 33. D. 15. L. 114-121.
HA OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION. F. R-4655. Op. 1. D. 288. L. 84,
CIVIL AVIATION OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION. F. A-2306. Op. 2. D. 102. L. 112-117.
CIVIL AVIATION OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION. F. A- 2306. Op. 69. D. 2116. p. 83.
CDNIRO. F.R.-7. Op. 1. D. 25. p. 41.
Serdyuchenko G.P. Resolutely defeat the Natsdemovskaya counter-revolution in linguistic construction // Revolution and Gorets. 1933. № 6 – 7. S. 33-34.
Khubiev I. A.-K., Articles and essays. Issues of atheistic work and the fight against vestiges. Cherkessk. 1984. p. 5,9-10.
